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OHOGI is one of the songs performed during the Kwaryp festival, realized in honour of a dead person of chief line. The kwaryp festival marks the end of one year mourning period for the parents of the dead, as well as the public presentation of the secluded girls now ready for marriage. Is the most important intertribal feast (ritual) of the upper Xingu social system. This particular OHOGI was sung by the Mehinaku men invited to the Kwaryp held at the Kuikuro village in August 2002. OHOGI is a song "without words".
The old Agatsipá remembers the old carib villages localized along the eastern rivers of the Upper Xingu bassin, as well as their chiefs. Agatsipádescribes the trip he made when leaved the village where he was born at the Tahununu lake, to reach the village of Kuhikugu. The old villages are described and the (partial) genealogy of chiefly lines is presented.
Carlos fausto, ethnologist of the Kuikuro Project, asks to the old Kahugu to tell what he remembers about the past of the Kuikuro local group. Kahugu tells about the original village called Kuhikugu, the sequence of chiefs and "masters" of rituals reconstructing the genealogies of the core lineages of the Kuikuro identity.
Dr. Fausto, the ethologist of the Kuikuro team, asks to Samuagü how he becames the "master" (oto) of the Hugagü ritual. The conversation includes this particular issue and a general explanation on the Kuikuro ritual system and the "masters" (oto) of the many Kuikuro "feasts", with the associated origin myths. One more man participates to the session: Hinhano, Samuagü old brother.
The old Tugupé tells a "true story" (akinhá ekugu), the myth of the origin of the pequi tree (and fruits, Caryocar brasiliense) as well as of the Hugagü ritual (or feast), linked to the pequi economic and ritual complex.
Dr, Fausto interviews a young adult, Jahilá, asking him if he is "master" (oto) of some ritual or feast. Jahilá explains the Kuikuro ritual system, clarifying the role of "askers" (tajope, ihü) and of the "masters" (oto) of rituals.
Ipí, a mature woman, is interviewed by her son Mutuá and she tells about her life as mother and the experiene of motherhood. She explains pregnancy and giving birth, as well the practices of caring of children in the Kuikuro culture and society.
Hopesé begins telling the narrative of the mythical origin of the ritual (an intertribal feast) called Hagaka and known in the upper Xingu as Javari. Tsana, Hopese's son, sings the "songs of the bow" (tahaku igisü). A conversation between the collector and the two Kuikuro men follows the mythical explanation, commenting and explanining the Kuikuro ritual system.
Tapualu, a kalapalo woman, and Samuagü, her husband, a kuikuro man, tell the events that caused the sickness of Tapualu: she had contact with the powerful supernatural being (itseke) called the Hyper-Hummingbird, the owner of the pequi. Pequi is a tree whose fruits fall between the months of October and November, at the end of the dry season. Its fruits are an important source of food for all the upper Xingu groups and a whole ritual cycle marks the 'pequi time'. Tapualu tells how she was "beaten' by the Hyper-Hummingbird while she was collecting pequi fruits near the viillage with another woman. She tells about her painful sickness. After Tapualu, Samuagü tells about the actions, diagnoses and cure done by the shamans of the kuikuro village, remembering also the myth of the origin of the pequi. This appeared on the grave of the Hyper-Cayman, killed by the jealous husband of his human lovers. Other plants appeared near the pequi tree, all important for the upper Xingu people. Then, Tapualu continues the story explaining how she was cured by the shamans and how her husband became, for this reason, the "owner of the hugagü festival", realized the first time in order to make the Hyper-Hummingbird harmless with songs, dances, music and offerts. Samuagü explains how the ritual is organized and enacted and the roles of its participants (askers, helpers, dancers and singers). He explains also the work of the owner of a ritual and his family.
The old Agatsipá remember the villages and their chiefs around the Tahununu lake, east of the Culuene river and present villages, where he was born probably around the end of the first decade or the beginning of the twenties of the XXth century.
An old Kuikuro woman is asked by the collector and by a young Kuikuro teacher, Mutuá, to tell a traditional narrative on the origin of "waters" (tunga) in the upper Xingu region. "Waters" means rivers and lakes.
The session contains a sequence of tolo songs performed by kuikuro women during the tolo ritual or feast. Tolo songs contain texts in the Kuikuro language; they are mainly love songs, but they speak also of witchcraft and affinal relations.
Magika, member of the Kuikuro video team triggers the talk of Kalusi, an old and powerful shaman. Kalusi gives his version of the sikness of a Kalapalo woman, Tapualu, "beaten" by Hyper-Hummingbird, a supernatural being amd one of the "owners" of the pequi (Caryocar brasiliense). He tells how he made the diagnosis and the cure, with the other kuikuro shamans, identifying the Hyper-Hummimgbird as the causer of the woman sickness. Then, he explains who are the other supernatural beings "owners/masters" of the pequi (based on the the myth about the origin of the tree and its fruits). He explains also how Samuagü, a kuikuro man, became the "owner/master" of the hugagü ritual, realized in order to pacify the supernatural being. Magika, a member of the kuikuro video team, asks some questions, as well as the researcher Carlos Fausto.
The collector, Carlos Fausto, asks information about the past of the Kuikuro group with the aim of eliciting memories and discover thier structure along the temporal dimension. The old Hopese, with the help of his son Tsana, reconstruct the temporal dimension trough the sequence of individuals along the chief's lineages, the transmission of names from grand-parents to grand-children, the identification of the "masters (oto)" of core rituals, the location of old villages. The temporal dimension has the initiation ritual (tiponhü, "the ear's pearcing") as a crucial reference point. A woman is listening to the conversation and gives some comments on specific issues and memories.
The young Takumã, member of the Kuikuro video team, asks to one of the village shamans what's happening when he smokes his tobacco cigars, what he sees. Aitsehü, the shaman, answers telling about the itseke (suopernatural beings) he sees during the transe caused by the ingestion of the tobacco. He tells how he became a shaman, a short story of his initiation. At the end he explains the characteristics of one particular iseke, the Hyper-Hummingbird, responsible for the sikness of Tapualu, a Kalapalo woman, as well for the performance of the Hugagü ritual. In the background, it is possible to hear the sound of the atanga flutes, played in the daytime during the realization of the Hugagü feast.
Carlos Fausto, ethnologist of the Kuikuro Project, asks to the old Hopesé to tell about the history of the Kuikuro local group, through the sequence of the "masters of the big house (tajühe oto)", of chiefs (anetü), of villages (changes of village localization). The old Hopesé answers with a free narrative, helped and complemented by his son Tsana. He tells about the relations of the Kuikuro with other upper Xingu groups and the relation of the Kuikuro territory with the territories of the other upper Xingu groups. He gives mythical references linked to specific (historical) places and sings songs related to old rituals and feasts realized in the old villages.
The old Nahu answers to the questions of his grand-son Mutuá about the death of Coronel Percy Fawcett, an english adventurer and member of the British Army, desappeared in 1925, during his travel through the upper Xingu region, somewhere in the territory of the karib speaking goups of the upper Xingu (Kuikuro, Kalapalo, Nahukwa and Matipu). Apparently he, with his son and a small expedition team, was searching for the famous Eldorado, a mythical place in western imageries. His body was never found. Brazilian authorities and journalists declared, at the time, that Fawcett had been killed by the Kalapalo. Two more expeditions to the region were motivated by the Fawcett desappearance. Two expeditions, conducted by G. M. Dyott , in 1928, and by Vincent Petrullo, in 1931, tried without succes to find Fawcett's body. The Kalapalo tell their version of the story (see Ellen Basso, 1995. The Last Cannibal. Austin: Texas University Press). They say that Fawcett was received by themselves very friendly, spending some time in their village. After this, Fawcett decided to continue his trip to the north, despite the many warnings that the Kalapalo gave to him. Probably, Fawcett met "fierce people" (ngikogo) not far away from the Kalapalo and he was killed by them. Nahu tells one more version of the Fawcett story very similar to the Kalapalo version recorded by Ellen Basso.
Carlos Fausto, the ethnologist of the Kuikuro team, interviews Kalusi, a Kuikuro shaman, asking him to explain what he sees when he smokes his tobacco cigars and if he sees supernatural beings when he enters in a state of transe. Kalusi talks about his relation with supernatural beings, fears and dangers. He talks about the shamanistic practices and the feelings associated with it, as well as about the curing paractices and the recuperation of the souls of sick persons.
The session contains a sequence of tolo songs performed by kuikuro women during the tolo ritual or feast. Tolo songs contain texts in the Kuikuro language; they are mainly love songs, but they speak also of witchcraft and affinal relations. Songs=tolo
The old Hopesé and his son Tsana regard photos and drawings in the book "Xingú" by Günter Hartmann, showing many examplars of the traditional material culture of the upper Xingu people. They name and give explanations and descriptions of masks, tools, weapons, ritual paraphernalia, among other artifacts. Carlos Fausto asks questions in order to guide and complement the observations of the two Kuikuro men.